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Trapped in a democracy we fought for

IT IS the strangest of times when, 23 years into a democracy we demanded and which many sacrificed freedom and lives for; a democracy which underpinned what many used to describe as the South African exceptionalism in a continent ravaged by civil wars and maladministration, and dominated by the despotic rule of tyrants who remain entrenched in power for decades; a democracy fêted at home, in the rest of Africa and many other parts of the world - we’re stuck with silent institutions that seem crippled and incapacitated to play the roles they were established for, despite a growing need for them to act.

Our democracy is being undermined from within by people who were elected to make it benefit all South Africans.

Despite the growing manifestation of unhappiness and frustration through civil society activism in pickets and marches, as well as a growing plethora of social media groups sharing leaked information on corruption and other forms of abuse, nothing seems to move.

Institutions established to make sure we never find ourselves caught in a cul-de-sac are being used to make sure we never get out of one. Greed and paranoia have set in and psychological warfare is being waged against those who criticise wrongdoing.

Some are accused of being traitors of the revolution, while others are suspected of being controlled by imaginary enemies of the state from a variety of origins - without any proof of such control being provided.

In all this, the people of South African are left wondering which way to run for help, and the answers are nowhere to be found. Increasingly, enemies are imagined to be within the ruling party, in the media and among the general public; friends are beginning to speak in lowered voices and code even in what used to be safe company, for no one knows who they can trust to share information with any more; even walls have developed ears.       

Leadership gone astray

The ruling party is being led by a man who lost all credibility years ago; a man who has long lost the ability to keep his own party and our country united.

When he opens his mouth to address crowds who still bother to set aside precious time to listen to his contradictory and code-laden speeches, it becomes clear that he speaks on behalf of a faction within his party.

For the rest of us, it has become unclear which faction he leads – for their numbers seem to grow by the week – and which faction can legitimately claim to lead our country. 

Institutional failure is akin to organ failure

South Africa’s democratic institutions were woven into a tapestry where all were meant to work together in harmony, so that each could complement the others' roles to create a seamless, functioning society.

When one or a few of them fail to play their part, the effectiveness of the entire system gets compromised. Each one of the Chapter 9 institutions, together with the NPA, the Hawks (a weakened version of the erstwhile Scorpions) and the courts is a crucial element of our democratic make-up and functioning.

Failure by the Office of the Public Protector, the NPA or the Hawks to pursue without fear and favour the organised criminal network sitting at the heart of ongoing radical state capture itself constitutes a crime against our democratic well-being.

Their paralysis and citizens’ collective incapacity to jolt them into action mean organised criminals will continue to do what they have been doing over the past number of years, and that the fissures they have caused to develop in our society will continue to grow.

They will further endanger the economic viability of our country and its ability to recover from the damage being done to it. The longer this is allowed to continue, the deeper the fissures will grow and the more expensive it will be to correct and reset the compromised institutional integrity when the time comes.

Ruling party more like an occupying force

It has become clear that the ruling party no longer rules the country; it has begun to act more like an occupying force in which levels of arrogance are so elevated that it no longer hears the cries of the country’s citizens.

It can only claim to rule on the basis that some 11 million South Africans voted for what it used to be, back in 2009, when it still enjoyed a semblance of unity.

But those days are gone and that party unity is gone. These days, people walk about with important-sounding government titles they no longer deserve. They enjoy the perks and pretend to be important, but they’re only important to themselves and to the little people whose everyday livelihoods depend directly on the pittance they regularly throw at them.

It is no longer clear whose programmes are being implemented by those occupying important positions.

But their days are numbered. When the time comes for South Africa to elect a new set of leaders, it would be foolish to fail insisting on a thorough institutional review to ensure that our country never finds itself in a vicious cul-de-sac again.

Such a review should include:

  • The process to elect presidents;
  • Powers given to such presidents;
  • The need for absolute independence of Chapter 9 institutions from presidential control and influence;
  • The effectiveness of institutional checks and balances throughout the system;
  • Our ability to impeach rogue presidents; and
  • Our electoral system and the nature of citizen representation by MPs in the national assembly, etc.

Failure to insist on these and more changes to accompany the next administration would mean that we would not have learned much from the current nightmare that has robbed South Africa of much reputational capital.

  • Solly Moeng is brand reputation management adviser and CEO of strategic corporate communications consultancy DonValley. Views expressed are his own.

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